opportunities. . . proportionate political power and freedom from war. (69)
When the South African elites announce their concern over a manpower shortage of professionals and view the problem as a demographic one, the blacks analyze the problem quite differently and see a social structural problem:
The manpower crisis really results from the fact that real Africans are denied education, training, jobs, health, housing. . .. (70)
But instead of filling the manpower gap by training black Africans, they say, the elites are providing birth control programs for the blacks.
In the area of international aid, President Johnson's "dollar for birth control is worth $95" convinced many foreigners that the United States was either shopping for dubious bargains or looking for ways to reduce its already inadequate aid to the Third World. Even more sinister were apparent cutbacks in aid for general programs of health. As Peru's then minister of health put it, ". . . the United States is willing to help in a campaign for the control of births but not in one to reduce the rate of deaths" (71).
Precisely the same phenomenon can be observed in the United States, where money and personnel are conspicuously available for family planning, but where generals of the War on Poverty seem to have declared a truce. Speaking of young black militants, Douglas E. Stewart writes,
In the communities where they live there is also a disproportionate amount of bad housing, a disproportionate amount of bad health and welfare facilities in general, or the non-existence of health and welfare facilities, a disproportionate amount of unemployment, and all that appears to them to be shiny and bright is our birth control services. "In most instances, you people say family planning and use the words planned parenthood, which denotes family to us, which means unit to us (one or more), and parenthood, which means the production of children, and yet we hear very little concern expressed by you people about children already born. This lack of expressed concern and action causes us to be suspicious of your motives, produces our fear of your programs and raises questions in our minds about genocide." (72)
Much of Dr. Greenlee's fire in Pittsburgh was aimed at the unusual attention being paid to family planning programs when so many other pressing ills were being neglected. Other black militants have raised similar questions:
. . . What U.S. hospital has a policy of visiting sick people who skip appointments? What welfare group sends volunteers to the homes of peopleblaming their own strong and creative natural powers of conceiving, bearing and bringing up children for the fact that they are denied educational opportunities, jobto the Negroes to commit race suicide" (66).